In their must-read book How Democracies Die, Harvard scholars Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt argue that broad-based coalitions have a unique role in preserving liberal democracy. “Coalitions of the likeminded are important,” they write, “but they are not enough to defend democracy. The most effective coalitions are those that bring together groups with dissimilar — even opposing — views on many issues. They are built not among friends but among adversaries.”
Twenty years ago, in the mid-2000s, I was a partisan warrior, and my philanthropy was entirely dedicated to pursuing my ideological beliefs. At the time, I served as a founding board member of the Democracy Alliance, a network of philanthropists focused on advancing a progressive policy agenda.
But at a certain point, I came to see that my efforts, under the banner of “democracy,” were actually furthering the decline of democracy. Our passionate advocacy, while aimed at strengthening the country, was contributing to mounting gridlock and toxic partisanship. Democratic elected officials felt increasingly pressured to adhere to party orthodoxy rather than passing legislation through compromise, lest they be primaried by a progressive group for being insufficiently pure. Recognizing the extraordinary period of U.S. and global democratic backsliding in which we live, I have since shifted my philanthropy toward creating spaces, such as the Democracy Funders Network, where supporters of liberal democracy from across the political spectrum can step out of our ideological bubbles, build new relationships, and learn together how to defend democracy.
In typical policy fights, advocates seek to build a coalition just big enough to achieve a policy outcome. But when it comes to protecting liberal democracy, “just big enough” won’t cut it. Democracy is no typical policy issue; it is the arena in which we compete and the rules of the game by which we abide. Without agreement on these rules, the system collapses into anarchy or autocracy.
Assembling a broad coalition for liberal democracy demands that we create a democracy agenda in which people of many different beliefs and backgrounds can find a home. It means we must embrace political adversaries and others with whom we may have profound disagreements. It means pro-choice individuals teaming up with abortion opponents, union members teaming up with corporate leaders, communities of faith teaming up with secular groups. Bridging divides matters to American society for many reasons, but my contention is simple: In this moment of autocratic threat, when authoritarian leaders in the United States and around the world are trying to divide and weaken the public, a united front is precisely the antidote for upholding our democracy.
Even though philanthropy frequently uses the language of democracy, philanthropists and grant makers too often align themselves with ideologically rigid movements that view engagement with “the other side” as hopeless, naive, and harmful. Donors rarely participate in or support the truly expansive coalition-building that American democracy needs to survive — the kind of coalition, for example, that worked to uphold the integrity of the 2020 election. To be sure, groups like the Democracy Funders Network are evidence of a growing cross-ideological field, but we are still swimming upstream against progressive, conservative, and even “mainstream” philanthropy’s focus on near-term policy goals and ideological purity over long-term systemic health and coalition-building.
Philanthropy must quickly reckon with this challenge. And that reckoning begins with three surprisingly countercultural lessons about democracy:
Democracy is not the same thing as our preferred political or policy outcomes. Because philanthropy supports many righteous causes, we often see our own moral commitments as the very definition of democracy. Yet for every issue on which one might stake a claim — climate change, religious liberty, reproductive rights, immigration — another small-d democrat, equally committed to liberal democracy, will have a different opinion about how to address it.
We must stand up for our views and contest them in the political arena. But at the same time, we must agree with our adversaries on the rules of the game. If we conflate our policy views with democracy and call opposing positions “undemocratic,” it is more likely that both we and our opponents will be tempted to declare new rules that restrict the other’s rights. It is thus urgent that supporters of liberal democracy clearly distinguish our policy preferences from the rules of a free and open society.
Democracy is about more than voting and elections. Philanthropy — especially progressive philanthropy — has a proud history of supporting work to expand the franchise, protect voting rights, and combat voter suppression. This work is deeply important, but it does not encompass the totality of what is needed to ensure a thriving liberal democracy in the United States. Even worse, supporting voter engagement chiefly to win elections, and funding power-building and organizing for progressive policies — all in the name of democracy — is politicizing democracy work. That makes it all the harder to build a broad coalition.
Democracy-movement supporters would do well to focus greater attention on other core areas, such as building healthy norms and institutions (e.g., a free press, an independent judiciary, individual rights, and the rule of law); creating a government that is responsive and effective; and developing an economic and social agenda that can help reduce the demand for illiberal policies, such as revitalization of rural America, rebuilding local media, and improving the status of working-class men.
Autocrats are modeling effective coalition-building. Opponents of democracy around the world are building transnational alliances. These leaders and advocates are often ideological opposites, but that does not hamper their collaboration and support of a shared illiberal vision of the world. Although they often deploy racist and xenophobic rhetoric, public-opinion research indicates that their support is growing even among people of color.
Pro-democracy forces need to borrow from their coalition-building strategies. This means hitting pause on internecine policy arguments and listening openly and responding to the hopes and fears of Americans outside elite circles. And it means building public support for liberal democracy by showing that it can address what people care about, like affordable housing, safe neighborhoods, and quality education. We must recognize that failure to make common cause with all fellow democracy proponents will set back philanthropy’s most important issues for decades.
There are those who believe talk of illiberalism and even authoritarianism in the United States is overblown. I am not one of them. We can defend liberal democracy, but we will need to build an extraordinary coalition.
Rachel Pritzker is chair of the Democracy Funders Network and president and founder of the Pritzker Innovation Fund, which supports the development and advancement of paradigm-shifting ideas to address the world’s most serious problems.