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Investing in a More Perfect Union

Philanthropists and grant makers point to where philanthropy can make a difference.

Jon Krause for The Chronicle
Opinion
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April 1, 2024

For the launch of The Commons, the Chronicle invited guest essayists to debate how to strengthen civic engagement, build community, and bolster democracy. The essays below are from donors supporting such efforts; read also the pieces by leading advocates as well as by critics.

Keep up with everything happening in The Commons by signing up for our Philanthropy Today newsletter and joining our Commons group on LinkedIn.

Rachel Pritzker | Darren Walker | Brooke D. Anderson | Crystal Hayling | Melanie Lundquist

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For the launch of The Commons, the Chronicle invited guest essayists to debate how to strengthen civic engagement, build community, and bolster democracy. The essays below are from donors supporting such efforts; read also the pieces by leading advocates as well as by critics.

Keep up with everything happening in The Commons by signing up for our Philanthropy Today newsletter and joining our Commons group on LinkedIn.

Rachel Pritzker | Darren Walker | Brooke D. Anderson | Crystal Hayling | Melanie Lundquist

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A Partisan Warrior's Reckoning

How efforts under the banner of ‘democracy’ can further its decline.

By Rachel Pritzker

In their must-read book How Democracies Die, Harvard scholars Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt argue that broad-based coalitions have a unique role in preserving liberal democracy. “Coalitions of the likeminded are important,” they write, “but they are not enough to defend democracy. The most effective coalitions are those that bring together groups with dissimilar — even opposing — views on many issues. They are built not among friends but among adversaries.”

Twenty years ago, in the mid-2000s, I was a partisan warrior, and my philanthropy was entirely dedicated to pursuing my ideological beliefs. At the time, I served as a founding board member of the Democracy Alliance, a network of philanthropists focused on advancing a progressive policy agenda.

But at a certain point, I came to see that my efforts, under the banner of “democracy,” were actually furthering the decline of democracy. Our passionate advocacy, while aimed at strengthening the country, was contributing to mounting gridlock and toxic partisanship. Democratic elected officials felt increasingly pressured to adhere to party orthodoxy rather than passing legislation through compromise, lest they be primaried by a progressive group for being insufficiently pure. Recognizing the extraordinary period of U.S. and global democratic backsliding in which we live, I have since shifted my philanthropy toward creating spaces, such as the Democracy Funders Network, where supporters of liberal democracy from across the political spectrum can step out of our ideological bubbles, build new relationships, and learn together how to defend democracy.

Read more...

In typical policy fights, advocates seek to build a coalition just big enough to achieve a policy outcome. But when it comes to protecting liberal democracy, “just big enough” won’t cut it. Democracy is no typical policy issue; it is the arena in which we compete and the rules of the game by which we abide. Without agreement on these rules, the system collapses into anarchy or autocracy.

Assembling a broad coalition for liberal democracy demands that we create a democracy agenda in which people of many different beliefs and backgrounds can find a home. It means we must embrace political adversaries and others with whom we may have profound disagreements. It means pro-choice individuals teaming up with abortion opponents, union members teaming up with corporate leaders, communities of faith teaming up with secular groups. Bridging divides matters to American society for many reasons, but my contention is simple: In this moment of autocratic threat, when authoritarian leaders in the United States and around the world are trying to divide and weaken the public, a united front is precisely the antidote for upholding our democracy.

Even though philanthropy frequently uses the language of democracy, philanthropists and grant makers too often align themselves with ideologically rigid movements that view engagement with “the other side” as hopeless, naive, and harmful. Donors rarely participate in or support the truly expansive coalition-building that American democracy needs to survive — the kind of coalition, for example, that worked to uphold the integrity of the 2020 election. To be sure, groups like the Democracy Funders Network are evidence of a growing cross-ideological field, but we are still swimming upstream against progressive, conservative, and even “mainstream” philanthropy’s focus on near-term policy goals and ideological purity over long-term systemic health and coalition-building.

Philanthropy must quickly reckon with this challenge. And that reckoning begins with three surprisingly countercultural lessons about democracy:

Democracy is not the same thing as our preferred political or policy outcomes. Because philanthropy supports many righteous causes, we often see our own moral commitments as the very definition of democracy. Yet for every issue on which one might stake a claim — climate change, religious liberty, reproductive rights, immigration — another small-d democrat, equally committed to liberal democracy, will have a different opinion about how to address it.

We must stand up for our views and contest them in the political arena. But at the same time, we must agree with our adversaries on the rules of the game. If we conflate our policy views with democracy and call opposing positions “undemocratic,” it is more likely that both we and our opponents will be tempted to declare new rules that restrict the other’s rights. It is thus urgent that supporters of liberal democracy clearly distinguish our policy preferences from the rules of a free and open society.

Democracy is about more than voting and elections. Philanthropy — especially progressive philanthropy — has a proud history of supporting work to expand the franchise, protect voting rights, and combat voter suppression. This work is deeply important, but it does not encompass the totality of what is needed to ensure a thriving liberal democracy in the United States. Even worse, supporting voter engagement chiefly to win elections, and funding power-building and organizing for progressive policies — all in the name of democracy — is politicizing democracy work. That makes it all the harder to build a broad coalition.

Democracy-movement supporters would do well to focus greater attention on other core areas, such as building healthy norms and institutions (e.g., a free press, an independent judiciary, individual rights, and the rule of law); creating a government that is responsive and effective; and developing an economic and social agenda that can help reduce the demand for illiberal policies, such as revitalization of rural America, rebuilding local media, and improving the status of working-class men.

Autocrats are modeling effective coalition-building. Opponents of democracy around the world are building transnational alliances. These leaders and advocates are often ideological opposites, but that does not hamper their collaboration and support of a shared illiberal vision of the world. Although they often deploy racist and xenophobic rhetoric, public-opinion research indicates that their support is growing even among people of color.

Pro-democracy forces need to borrow from their coalition-building strategies. This means hitting pause on internecine policy arguments and listening openly and responding to the hopes and fears of Americans outside elite circles. And it means building public support for liberal democracy by showing that it can address what people care about, like affordable housing, safe neighborhoods, and quality education. We must recognize that failure to make common cause with all fellow democracy proponents will set back philanthropy’s most important issues for decades.

There are those who believe talk of illiberalism and even authoritarianism in the United States is overblown. I am not one of them. We can defend liberal democracy, but we will need to build an extraordinary coalition.

Rachel Pritzker is chair of the Democracy Funders Network and president and founder of the Pritzker Innovation Fund, which supports the development and advancement of paradigm-shifting ideas to address the world’s most serious problems.

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How the Fight Against Inequality Will Save Democracy

Polarization is not the cause of our alienation but rather the effect.

By Darren Walker

I have long maintained that hope is the very oxygen of democracy. Yet today, inequality threatens to suffocate that hope.

Despite a reckoning with anti-Black racism in 2020, hate crimes in the United States have increased year after year. Despite attempts to overhaul a broken health care system, Zip Code is still more determinative of health than genetic code. Despite a global pandemic that underscored just how essential so many workers are, labor protections are under attack as income inequality continues to rise. Despite promises from both parties to lower costs and improve daily life, one in six Americans struggles with food insecurity. In a nation where disparities are this stark, it’s no surprise that so many feel that the odds are stacked against them.

Inequality segregates our society, splitting our communities and country along racial and economic lines and reducing the odds that we’ll interact with those who don’t share our experience. And thanks to a profit-driven media ecosystem where outrage garners eyeballs, we are increasingly confined to digital echo chambers that inflame our passions but dull our empathy. As a result, polarization rages through our screens and into our streets.

Read more...

In truth, polarization is not the cause of our alienation but rather the effect. And while our polarized society is rife with strong opinions, volume doesn’t equate to engagement. In fact, this cacophony reflects a lack of engagement — and an unwillingness to empathize — with those who are different.

Partisan animosity in America nearly doubled in the course of a decade and continues to grow. Americans are now divided not just over traditionally contentious topics, but also over areas like public health, which once held a measure of collective consensus. Those at the far ends of the political spectrum believe the opposing party’s policies “are so misguided that they threaten the nation’s well-being," according to the Pew Research Center. This division damages our democratic systems, obstructing compromise and giving zealots false justification for political violence.

These problems aren’t unique to the United States. Other countries and conflict-riddled regions have pulled themselves back from the brink — not by shying away from engagement but by seeking it out. In post-apartheid South Africa, Nelson Mandela’s new government required perpetrators of racist violence to confess fully and confront the consequences of their crimes in order to receive amnesty, helping the nation move forward in peace. And in Northern Ireland, coalitions grounded in civil society helped forge an imperfect but invaluable peace, opening channels of communication between Catholics and Protestants to end decades of violence known as the Troubles.

As the head of a global organization dedicated to combating inequality, I believe deeply in philanthropy’s power — and responsibility — to support civic engagement as the antidote to a polarized society.

And I have seen firsthand the impact of investing in organizations that help governments and citizens come together, fostering and facilitating increased engagement.

By funding the essential work of grantees such as the James and Grace Lee Boggs Center and the Equity Alliance, we promote community leadership and give marginalized communities tools to fully engage in the civic process. And through partnerships such as the new Global Initiative on Polarization, our collaboration with the Institute for Integrated Transitions, we develop research and delve into stories that foster a deeper understanding of the causes, consequences, and solutions to growing global polarization.

Unfortunately, polarizing forces too often attack initiatives that threaten the division on which they thrive. They criticize philanthropic support for civic engagement as inherently political, mischaracterizing it as benefiting a particular group, when in truth, greater engagement helps society as a whole. We must not buckle under such baseless claims. At best, they reflect a cynical view of the world; at worst, they represent a calculated campaign designed to discourage participation.

We know that democracy is not a partisan prize but a collective inheritance. Ultimately, the benefits of civic engagement are overwhelming — and they extend to everyone and every cause.

As philanthropists, whether we are funding urban revitalization or rural development, tackling the opioid crisis or taking action on climate change, we must recognize that progress depends on a healthy democracy — one that attacks inequality and restores hope for the future, and one that carries the cares and concerns of an engaged populace through a trusted, transparent system that reflects the will of “we the people.” Democracy is the bedrock upon which all else stands or falls. Now is the time for foundations and other funders to reinforce our dedication to its advancement. Civic engagement is the antidote to polarization, and philanthropy, its catalyst.

Darren Walker is the president of the Ford Foundation.

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Put Women in the Rooms Where It Happens

The power centers that will do the most to determine the future are mired in the past.

By Brooke D. Anderson

Before I became the president of Pivotal Ventures, I spent most of my career in national security. In my roles at the United Nations, the White House, and the U.S. State Department, I had the chance to work on big, audacious challenges with teams I deeply respected and admired. But as much as I valued my colleagues, I was also conscious of who was missing from the rooms where decisions were made. It was not unusual over my long career to find myself the only woman in the room — or one of only a few.

Unfortunately, women’s underrepresentation in those rooms probably made us less effective. Research makes clear that peace agreements are longer-lasting and more durable when women help make them.

We are missing opportunities across many other aspects of American life, too. Women hold less than one-third of the jobs in the technical workforce, about one-third of elected offices, and approximately one-sixth of check-writing positions in venture capital — and in every case, women of color are even more underrepresented than white women.

Read more...

In other words, the power centers that will do the most to determine the future are mired in the past. If women were proportionately represented in these areas, our technology would be more innovative, our politics would engage a whole new range of issues, and our companies would serve the needs of many more customers.

That’s why, at Pivotal, we see expanding women’s power and influence not as a single issue but rather as a prerequisite to progress on more or less every issue. We believe dismantling barriers to equality for women of all backgrounds will spark widespread social progress. And if equal representation benefits everyone, then it means that there are a lot of potential allies for our work, including people who don’t currently think of themselves as advocates for women.

Last summer, at the Summit on Resilient and Enduring Democracy, our team joined other donors who care deeply about protecting our political system in these polarizing times. Ultimately, we can't have a thriving, healthy, active democracy if we don't have equal representation. And, if we don't have a democracy that is fair, transparent, and welcoming, it's going to be harder and harder for women to participate fully. Women need the democracy movement, and the democracy movement needs women. We’re now convening regularly with the Democracy Funders Network to support a broad-based movement built on shared priorities such as combating dis- and misinformation and protecting the safety of candidates, election workers, and officeholders.

Similarly, partners in our caregiving portfolio are helping to roll out the historic provision in the 2023 federal CHIPS and Science Act that requires employers who receive funding under the act to provide child care to their workers. Plenty of people who don’t think of themselves as champions for women’s rights endorse child care for other reasons — for instance, because they want to promote economic growth. Indeed, equality and economic growth go hand in hand, and when advocates for both priorities work together to implement an important policy, that’s success.

Finally, we recently celebrated the fifth anniversary of Reboot Representation, a coalition of tech companies created in 2018 to double the number of Black, Latina, and Native American women receiving computing degrees by 2025. These companies are in the business of developing and selling technologies, not promoting social justice, but they know that more-diverse engineering talent is better for their long-term prospects. Reboot includes Google and Microsoft, Dell and HP — a lot of companies that compete against each other — so our value-add, besides modest operational funding, was to provide a neutral venue to help them come together. Now they’re sharing data, discovering best practices, and investing millions of dollars in programming. Reboot’s goal is on track, and the tech industry is a few steps closer to reflecting the people who use its products and services.

I’m not exactly breaking new ground by calling for holistic thinking and creative collaborations, but as social-change grant makers and nonprofits, we’re working against perverse incentives, resource scarcity, zero-sum thinking, and other traps that make it hard to build partnerships. These examples help me imagine what’s possible if more of us resolved to share ideas, forge stronger links, and merge agendas.

Ruth Bader Ginsburg was onto something when she said, “Women belong in all the places where decisions are being made.” They belong there, and we need them there. Whether it’s national security, technology, politics, finance ... you name it, decisions made in rooms that matter are smarter and better when women help make them.

Brooke D. Anderson is president of Pivotal Ventures, an investment and incubation company founded by Melinda French Gates to advance social progress. She has served as a U.S. ambassador at the United Nations and as a senior adviser to U.S. presidents, cabinet secretaries, members of Congress, presidential candidates, philanthropists, and business leaders.

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Organizers and Our Precious Sense of Hope

Those working on the ground help us listen deeply and dream big.

By Crystal Hayling

It’s hard to ignore the rising and bitter tide of anger and division. This is not a matter of mere incivility in the body politic — the wounds go far, far deeper. Renewed attacks on voting rights. Black leaders and organizations under fire. The scourge of antisemitism and anti-Muslim hate. Communities torn apart by intolerance and hateful violence.

Trauma, as criminal-justice activist Mariame Kaba notes, doesn’t just sit there. It creates future vulnerability.

Our democracy, our sense of “we-ness,” is increasingly vulnerable right now. Rights we cherish are under siege. As I’ve written before, this is not a moment to plaster over our differences in the name of pluralism. These divides are important, but they are a symptom of our broken democracy, not the cause of it. This is a moment to fund the hard work of coming together with purpose at the neighborhood level. In other words, this is a moment for community organizing.

Read more...

Organizing is where we do two things essential to democracy: We listen deeply and dream big. Yes, listen and dream. Extremism feeds on despair — the belief that no one cares and nothing can be done. We need to turn away from doomscrolling about the presidential election and turn toward our hopes for our kids, families, and communities. Organizing at its best can stoke our precious sense of hope and help us imagine our lives together, lived whole and well, while giving us insights about how we can get there from here.

As nationalistic, antidemocratic forces proudly assert their intentions, it’s natural to ask what makes Americans susceptible to the drumbeat of division. History teaches that fear, isolation, and hopelessness play a big part. Much of the strife in our communities stems from racial prejudice and gender-role stereotypes spread by well-funded hate groups and think tanks. Conspiracy theories bloom in the waters of indifference and despair.

Organizing helps people feel connected to their neighbors and part of a network that resists the urge to blame some “other.” Instead, community members experience how collective power creates change for the better. Organizers are the opposite of dividers — they build bridges. Those bridges endure because they are built around issues of material and ethical importance.

People’s Action, a powerhouse organization working throughout the Midwest, recently launched an “Organizing Revival” to move beyond the transactional, one-and-done spurts of organizing typical of election years. It’s addressing the housing crisis, growing green jobs, and bringing federal infrastructure money to communities that need it. As executive director Sulma Arias writes: “This organizing is an end and a means — it builds community and democracy and makes people feel powerful and whole.” Isn’t that what pluralism advocates say they want?

There are many other resourceful, dynamic groups working on this broad agenda. The visionary Gina Clayton-Johnson, who started the Essie Justice Group to bring together women whose loved ones are incarcerated, sees the unique power in building community bonds among women whom society has made feel isolated and ashamed. Essie sisters proudly and joyfully canvass neighborhoods asking community members how they define safety and inviting them to demand more than abusive police and empty promises from elected officials. The sisters then take policy proposals to the state capital and the city council and back them at the ballot box.

New Mexico-based OLÉ Education Fund, which promotes universal access to early-childhood education and preschool, organizes everyday working folks to speak out for — and win for — kids, drawing its strength from the experiences of people of color, early-childhood educators, parents, workers, and immigrants.

The battle to defend reproductive rights in Ohio last fall offers an example of the power of broad-based organizing. Often viewed as a divisive issue, reproductive rights was transformed into a unifying banner, especially among young voters. URGE, a group of young activists, was among the leading organizations that pulled together support across lines of party, income, race to win a vital — and surprising to many — victory in a conservative state.

We know only too well what hour it is — zero hour for our democracy. Funders who recognize the urgency of the moment are doubling down and speeding up their giving. I strongly urge that funders display a bias toward action and make donations to organizing — now.

If you truly want to heal the country’s divides, fund organizers. They are the leaders and wise ones who know how to bridge gaps created by income inequality, racism, and sexism. They are the catalysts who give people hope, a common purpose, and a connection to something bigger than themselves. They are the ones who teach us how to practice democracy daily. And that, after all, will be the only way we save it.

Crystal Hayling is the executive director of the Libra Foundation and founder of the Democracy Frontlines Fund.

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Manufactured 'Truth'

How can we agree when we can’t separate fact from conspiracy?

By Melanie Lundquist

I have long felt that democracy is circling the drain. Last summer, from the stage at the Aspen Ideas Festival, I urged philanthropy to recognize what’s at stake and act.

Today, our country’s growing divisions confirm my fears about the threats we face. International crises from Ukraine to Gaza and domestic issues too numerous to name have the right and the left standing like mixed martial arts fighters snarling at each other from opposite sides of the octagon. In between is the moderate majority of voters swinging from one election to the next, reacting to issues of the moment or, on courageous occasion, standing as defenders of democracy. The question is: Why are we so far apart?

Answers vary, but there is an underlying problem. Despite the benefits of the Information Age, the downside is that opinion and misinformation are now both labeled as fact. Anyone can easily manufacture their own version of the “truth.” When we can’t even agree on facts, how can we possibly find common ground in our communities or our politics?

Read more...

We all initially react to information with our “gut” — a mixture of emotion, instinct, experience, and prejudice. In the best moments, we test our reaction with discernment, engaging trusted information sources. For much of the history of our republic, reputable news sources were key to our individual and collective search for truth.

Today, too many take that gut feeling and cherry-pick supporting evidence from across the internet or news sources, reinforcing our preconceived notions with information relayed to us by those who base their gospel on political agenda, material gain, or someone else’s cherry-picking.

So how do we start to turn things around? We find, build up, and fund nonpartisan nonprofits that serve as honest brokers and empower us to become honest brokers ourselves.

I am drawn to the News Literacy Project (NLP), a nonpartisan nonprofit that seeks to bring the tools necessary to separate fact from fiction into classrooms across America. It helps educators teach students to determine the credibility of news and other information and recognize the standards of fact-based journalism.

Last year, I joined the NLP Board of Directors and made a $10 million commitment — the largest in its 16-year history. But writing checks and attending quarterly board meetings aren’t enough. Given the national crisis of confidence in our democracy, philanthropy must do more than we’ve done before.

We can use our convening power to make sure groups like NLP get in front of the right people so they can expand their work. I’ve hosted convenings that include meetings at the Los Angeles Area Chamber of Commerce headquarters and lunches in San Francisco and beyond. In 2022, I hosted Los Angeles schools superintendent Alberto Carvalho at Roosevelt High School to demonstrate the importance of teaching news literacy to the next generation. Today, NLP is expanding in the city's public schools.

It is a significant undertaking to rebuild and reinforce the pillars upon which this country stands. And whether we like it or not, we are all stakeholders. It truly doesn’t matter which political party you are with — or none at all. We all must understand that democracy is only as strong as the next generation who will defend it. As philanthropists, we can help honest brokers on the local, state, and national levels engage our young people in the cause of democracy.

This critical work can’t be done without accelerating funding. More than $1.3 trillion in assets is sitting in foundations throughout our country. Another $230 billion is parked in donor-advised funds. These resources can and must be used immediately to build better infrastructure to promote a sounder democracy.

That funding shouldn’t come from special interests of any ideological or political stripe. It needs to come from philanthropic individuals and foundations that make donations with one requirement: that they are used to achieve a mission effectively and efficiently. I am a believer in providing general operating support. If I choose to make a big bet on a nonprofit, I believe it knows best how to deploy my investment.

And when making a big bet, I like to find organizations that get more “cluck for my buck.” In the case of NLP, it helps teach students the importance of accurate local and national journalism while showing how good reporting is held to a much higher standard than a post on Facebook.

Young people need to recognize the importance of local and national news organizations. Throughout our country’s history, robust fact-based reporting has exposed wrongdoing and led to significant reforms. In 1892, Ida B. Wells documented lynchings and exposed the horrific murders of Black men and women. Upton Sinclair’s undercover investigations of meatpacking plants led to monumental change in worker and food safety in the early 1900s. Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein reported on verified corruption at the highest levels of the Nixon administration, prompting a presidential resignation. In recent years, Jodi Kantor and Megan Twohey brought Harvey Weinstein and other sexual harassers into the light and sparked a movement long overdue.

Yet we increasingly rely on social media to get our news — an online comment section where anyone can say anything and claim it as fact. When Americans know how to find trustworthy sources and rely on them instead of social media, we can stop debating what is real and start talking through what conclusions should come from facts. That is our path to lasting solutions — and to a democracy that will not just survive, but thrive.

Melanie Lundquist is co-founder of the Partnership for Los Angeles Schools and a signatory with her husband, Richard, of the Giving Pledge.

The Commons is financed in part with philanthropic support from the Arthur M. Blank Family Foundation, Einhorn Collaborative, and JPB Foundation. None of our supporters have any control over or input into story selection, reporting, or editing, and they do not review articles before publication. See more about the Chronicle, the grants, how our foundation-supported journalism works, and our gift-acceptance policy.

A version of this article appeared in the April 2, 2024, issue.
We welcome your thoughts and questions about this article. Please email the editors or submit a letter for publication.
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